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29.9.16

Γοργίας - Ἐπιτάφιος


Ρητορικός έπαινος των νεκρών
Η επίδραση του Γοργία στη διαμόρφωση της ρητορικής και ιδιαίτερα της επιδεικτικής ρητορείας υπήρξε πολύ μεγάλη. Δυστυχώς από τους επιδεικτικούς του λόγους -αν εξαιρέσει κανείς παίγνια όπως το Ἑλένης ἐγκώμιον και την Ὑπὲρ Παλαμήδους ἀπολογίαν- δεν έχουν σωθεί παρά ελάχιστα αποσπάσματα. Το εκτενές απόσπασμα που παρατίθεται εδώ προέρχεται από τον χαμένο Επιτάφιο λόγο, τον οποίο ο Γοργίας έγραψε ίσως μεταξύ 421-416 π.Χ. (αν ο λόγος εκφωνήθηκε από τον ίδιο ή από έναν Αθηναίο πολίτη είναι άγνωστο). Επειδή η παράδοση των επιταφίων λόγων είχε διαμορφωθεί πριν από τηνάφιξη του Γοργία στην Αθήνα, μπορούμε να υποθέσουμε ότι ως προς τη δομή του θα ακολουθούσε σε γενικές γραμμές το σχήμα παρόμοιων λόγων που μας έχουν σωθεί: (α) προοίμιο, (β) έπαινος, κατ᾽ αρχήν της πολιτείας και στη συνέχεια των νεκρών, (γ) παραίνεση και παραμυθία (: παρηγοριά με τη χρήση λογικών επιχειρημάτων) των ζώντων, και (δ) επίλογος. Δεδομένης της τυπικής αυτής δομής, το απόσπασμα που ακολουθεί θα ανήκε μάλλον στο τμήμα του επαίνου που αναφερόταν στους νεκρούς. Αξιοπρόσεκτο στο τμήμα του Επιταφίου που σώζεται είναι το ρητορικό ύφος: ζυγιασμένη αντιθετική οργάνωση των περιόδων με παράλληλη χρήση των "γοργίειων" σχημάτων (αντιθέσεις, ομοιοτέλευτα, πάρισα).

 Ἐπιτάφιος
Γοργίας 

τί γὰρ ἀπῆν τοῖς ἀνδράσι τούτοις ὧν δεῖ ἀνδράσι προσεῖναι; τί δὲ καὶ προσῆν ὧν οὐ δεῖ προσεῖναι; εἰπεῖν δυναίμην ἃ βούλομαι, βουλοίμην δ᾽ ἃ δεῖ, λαθὼν μὲν τὴν θείαν νέμεσιν, φυγὼν δὲ τὸν ἀνθρώπινον φθόνον. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐκέκτηντο ἔνθεον μὲν τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀνθρώπινον δὲ τὸ θνητόν, πολλὰ μὲν δὴ τὸ πρᾶον ἐπιεικὲς τοῦ αὐθάδους δικαίου προκρίνοντες, πολλὰ δὲ νόμου ἀκριβείας λόγων ὀρθότητα, τοῦτον νομίζοντες θειότατον καὶ κοινότατον νόμον, τὸ δέον ἐν τῷ δέοντι καὶ λέγειν καὶ σιγᾶν καὶ ποιεῖν ‹καὶ ἐᾶν›, καὶ δισσὰ ἀσκήσαντες μάλιστα ὧν δεῖ, γνώμην ‹καὶ ῥώμην›, τὴν μὲν βουλεύοντες τὴν δ᾽ ἀποτελοῦντες, θεράποντες μὲν τῶν ἀδίκως δυστυχούντων, κολασταὶ δὲ τῶν ἀδίκως εὐτυχούντων, αὐθάδεις πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον, εὐόργητοι πρὸς τὸ πρέπον, τῷ φρονίμῳ τῆς γνώμης παύοντες τὸ ἄφρον ‹τῆς ῥώμης›, ὑβρισταὶ εἰς τοὺς ὑβριστάς, κόσμιοι εἰς τοὺς κοσμίους, ἄφοβοι εἰς τοὺς ἀφόβους, δεινοὶ ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς. μαρτύρια δὲ τούτων τρόπαια ἐστήσαντο τῶν πολεμίων, Διὸς μὲν ἀγάλματα, ἑαυτῶν δὲ ἀναθήματα, οὐκ ἄπειροι οὔτε ἐμφύτου ἄρεος οὔτε νομίμων ἐρώτων οὔτε ἐνοπλίου ἔριδος οὔτε φιλοκάλου εἰρήνης, σεμνοὶ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς τῷ δικαίῳ, ὅσιοι δὲ πρὸς τοὺς τοκέας τῇ θεραπείᾳ, δίκαιοι δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀστοὺς τῷ ἴσῳ, εὐσεβεῖς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους τῇ πίστει. τοιγαροῦν αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντων ὁ πόθος οὐ συναπέθανεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀθάνατος οὐκ ἐν ἀθανάτοις σώμασι ζῇ οὐ ζώντων.
Νίκος Σκουτερόπουλος
 
«Tι έλειπε σ᾽ αυτούς τους άνδρες απ᾽ όσα πρέπει να ᾽χει ένας άνδρας; Αλλά και τι είχαν απ᾽ όσα δεν πρέπει να ᾽χει; Ας μπορούσα να έλεγα αυτά που θέλω, ας ήθελα αυτά που πρέπει, χωρίς να προκαλέσω τη θεϊκή δυσαρέσκεια και αποφεύγοντας τον ανθρώπινο φθόνο. Γιατί θεϊκή ήταν η αρετή που είχαν κατακτήσει αυτοί οι άνδρες, ανθρώπινη ήταν μόνο η θνητή φύση τους: προτιμούσαν, συχνά, τη γεμάτη πραότητα επιείκεια από το άκαμπτο δίκαιο, και την ορθότητα του λόγου από την ακριβή τήρηση ενός νόμου, γιατί πίστευαν ότι ο πιο θεϊκός, ο πιο καθολικός νόμος είναι να λες και να αποσιωπάς και να πράττεις και να παραλείπεις στην κατάλληλη στιγμή αυτό που πρέπει· και από τα πρέποντα καλλιέργησαν προπαντός δύο πράγματα: την κρίση και τη δύναμη, τη μια με το να βουλεύονται, την άλλη με το να πράττουν· συμπαραστάτες σ᾽ όσους δυστυχούσαν αδίκως, τιμωροί όσων ευτυχούσαν χωρίς να το αξίζουν, επίμονοι στην επιδίωξη του κοινού συμφέροντος, παθιασμένοι για το σωστό, έτοιμοι να αναχαιτίσουν την παραφροσύνη της δύναμης με τη φρονιμάδα της κρίσης, βίαιοι απέναντι στους βίαιους, ευπρεπείς απέναντι στους ευπρεπείς, άφοβοι απέναντι στους άφοβους, τρομεροί στις τρομερές καταστάσεις. Απόδειξη αυτών των ιδιοτήτων τα τρόπαια που έστησαν από τα λάφυρα των εχθρών -τιμή για τον Δία, κόσμημα γι᾽ αυτούς τους ίδιους, αυτούς που ούτε η έμφυτη μαχητικότητα τους ήταν ξένη, ούτε οι θεμιτοί έρωτες, ούτε η έριδα η ζωσμένη στ᾽ άρματα, ούτε η ειρήνη που αγαπά την ομορφιά. Με τη δικαιοσύνη τους γεμάτοι δέος απέναντι στους θεούς, με τη φροντίδα τους γεμάτοι σεβασμό στους γονείς, με την τήρηση της ισότητας γεμάτοι δικαιοσύνη απέναντι στους συμπολίτες τους, με την πίστη τους γεμάτοι αφοσίωση στους φίλους. Για τούτο ο θάνατός τους δεν έσβησε και τον πόθο γι᾽ αυτούς, αλλά αθάνατος μέσα σε θνητά σώματα ζει ο πόθος γι᾽ αυτούς που δεν ζουν».
 
(μετάφραση Νίκος Σκουτερόπουλος)
 

Gorgias - Epitaphios ("Funeral Oration," fr. 6)

Gorgias | Gorgias Texts Ancient Greek Bibliography

The following preserves nearly all that remains of what doubtless was a much longer whole. It will be our second epitaphios, or "speech by the grave"; the first was Thucydides' "Periclean Funeral Oration" (2.35-46). I include Gorgias' fragmentary epitaphios (which may have been intended for the purpose of epideixis, "demonstration," rather than a specific funeral) partly to illustrate rhetorical figures, in Greek, skhēmata. (More than one ancient commentator refers to these as gorgieia skhēmata, "Gorgianic figures," after the rhetorician best known for them.) In reading, see if you can detect where I try (struggle?) to map Gorgias' use of them.

First, an important stylistic concept:

Colon, (plural, cola), a word-grouping understood not as a grammatical but rhetorical unit. The point of cola is how they relate to — echo, reinforce, contrast with — each other. A colon can be as short as a single word, as in the following tricolon (= three cola in a row): "Friends, Romans, Countrymen" (Shakespeare). Cola can be phrase-length units, as in the following (also a tricolon): "of the people, by the people, for the people" (Lincoln). Or it can consist of clauses: "we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow" (Lincoln).

Next, a catalogue of figures:

Anastrophe, when a colon begins with the same (or more or less the same) word or phrase the previous ended with: "The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," Lincoln First Inaugural.

Antistrophe, the same word or words at the ends of successive cola ("to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together," King I Have a Dream).

Antithesis, phrases and / or sentiments whose contrast is set in high relief: "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country" (Kennedy Inaugural Address)

Epanaphora, the use of the same word or words at the beginnings of successive cola: "Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana" (King I Have a Dream).

Homoioteleuton, rhetorical (as opposed to poetic) use of end-rhyme, especially in combination with antithesis, isocolon, or parisosis ("we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate," Lincoln Gettysburg Address).

Isocolon, the balancing of successive cola with precisely equal numbers of syllables ("we can not de-di-cate, we can not con-sec-rate" [6 and 6]).

Parisosis, the balancing of successive cola with nearly equal numbers of syllables ("we can not consecrate, we can not hallow").

Paronomasia, "(etymological) wordplay," i.e., the artful or witty use together of words sounding alike and (typically) of similar derivation, e.g., "Stars grinding, crumb by crumb, / Our own grist down to its bony face" (Sylvia Plath, All the Dead Dears — note "grinding" and "grist").

Rhetorical question, a statement posing as a question: "Who then will speak for the common good?" Barbara Jordan, 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address. (ANSWER: We will, for we all must.)

Other likely figures of rhetoric, even if not mentioned above? (Click here for the "Glossary of Rhetorical Terms" page at the University of Kentucky Dept of Classics.)

Finally, a question. I have described this as an epideixis, a "show"-speech. But for all its showing, still, I wonder about the telling, what, in other words, the message might be. . . .

TEXT (trans. A. Scholtz)

For what did these men lack that men should have? What did they have that men should lack? May I find the power to say what I wish! May I find the wish to say what I must! — no target for the gods' penalty, no victim of human jealousy. For god breathed bravery into them, though death exacted a human fee from them. And often did they choose mild fairness over inflexible justice, often, fitting expression (logos) over strict legislation (nomos), deeming it an ordinance celestial, a law universal, to speak or to hold their tongue, to do or to leave undone, whatever was needed, whenever it was needful. Two virtues especially did they cultivate: brainpower and man-power, the former, intending, the latter, expending, serving those injustice afflicted, thwarting those injustice uplifted, proponents of the practical, exponents of the honorable, through judgment of right foiling madness of might, disciplined toward the disciplined, fearless against the fearless, terrifying amid the terrifying. To bear witness to this, behold: their trophy of triumph, their gift to the god — the sacrifice of themselves. No strangers were they to the spirit of war, to legitimate lust (eros), to the clash of arms, to the blessings of peace, justly devout toward the gods, attentively dutiful to parents, righteously fair toward comrades, firmly faithful to friends. Therefore, though they have died, the loss we feel has not. No, we who shall die still feel the undying absence of those no longer living.

Gorgias - Defense of Palamedes


In the Defense of Palamedes Gorgias describes logos as a positive instrument for creating ethical arguments (McComiskey 38). The Defense, an oration that deals with issues of morality and political commitment (Consigny 38), defends Palamedes who, in Greek mythology, is credited with the invention of the alphabet, written laws, numbers, armor, and measures and weights (McComiskey 47).



In the speech Palamedes defends himself against the charge of treason. In Greek mythology, Odysseus – in order to avoid going to Troy with Agamemnon and Menelaus to bring Helen back to Sparta – pretended to have gone mad and began sowing the fields with salt. When Palamedes threw Odysseus' son, Telemachus, in front of the plow, Odysseus avoided him, demonstrating that he was sane. Odysseus, who never forgave Palamedes for making him reveal himself, later accused Palamedes of betraying the Greeks to the Trojans. Soon after, Palamedes was condemned and killed (Jarratt 58).

In this epideictic speech, like the Encomium, Gorgias is concerned with experimenting with how plausible arguments can cause conventional truths to be doubted (Jarratt 59). Throughout the text, Gorgias presents a method for composing logical (logos), ethical (ethos) and emotional (pathos) arguments from possibility, which are similar to those described by Aristotle in Rhetoric. These types of arguments about motive and capability presented in the Defense are later described by Aristotle as forensic topoi. Gorgias demonstrates that in order to prove that treason had been committed, a set of possible occurrences also need to be established. In the Defense these occurrences are as follows: communication between Palamedes and the enemy, exchange of a pledge in the form of hostages or money, and not being detected by guards or citizens. In his defense, Palamedes claims that a small sum of money would not have warranted such a large undertaking and reasons that a large sum of money, if indeed such a transaction had been made, would require the aid of many confederates in order for it to be transported. Palamedes reasons further that such an exchange could neither have occurred at night because the guards would be watching, nor in the day because everyone would be able to see. Palamedes continues, explaining that if the aforementioned conditions were, in fact, arranged then action would need to follow. Such action needed to take place either with or without confederates; however, if these confederates were free men then they were free to disclose any information they desired, but if they were slaves there was a risk of their voluntarily accusing to earn freedom, or accusing by force when tortured. Slaves, Palamedes says, are untrustworthy. Palamedes goes on to list a variety of possible motives, all of which he proves false.

Through the Defense Gorgias demonstrates that a motive requires an advantage such as status, wealth, honour, and security, and insists that Palamedes lacked a motive (McComiskey 47-49).


So as not to overwhelm you with Gorgias, I'll include just a bit of this very interesting speech, partly to illustrate proof by probability, which can be classed with the second of Aristotle's two main varieties of rhetorical proof (Rhetoric 1355b35-1356a20):

pisteis atekhnoi, literally "proofs not involving skill," i.e., involving no "valued-added" from the study of rhetoric. Aristotle means things like eye-witness testimony, torture, written contracts, etc. ("Just the facts.")
pisteis entekhnoi, literally "proofs involving skill," i.e, involving technical rhetoric's "value-added," as follows:
Proof based on the seeming character or reliability of the speaker, who therefore has to be careful about self-presentation.
Proof through manipulating the psychological state of the listener.
Demonstrative proof, i.e., the fact or appearance of a cogently reasoned case. That will include what Aristotle terms enthumemes, "rhetorical syllogisms," or logic premised on probabilities, not certainties.
I also want to illustrate the prominence of speech (logos) as a theme in Gorgias, even in this supposed defense speech, which we need to understand as an example of epideixis. Let me briefly summarize. This is a fictitious oration by the mythical hero, Palamedes, whom Odysseus has charged with treason, and whom we find defending himself in a kind of court martial. According to myth, Odysseus, Palamedes' great rival among the Greeks fighting at Troy, contrived a fake "message" to prove that his rival had been in contact with the enemy.

TEXT (trans. A. Scholtz)

[In his prooimion, or introductory section, Palamedes hints at Odysseus' corrupt motives for prosecuting him, and hints as well that, for the jury to allow thmeselves to be persuaded by Odysseus, would be to bring shame on themselves, a theme he returns to near the end of his speech. Palamedes also insinuates that to rescue himself from an accusion as perplexing as this would require the help of an unscrupulous sophist! Finally, he alludes to the two-pronged character of the arguments that he'll offer: that the thing itself would have been very diffcult for him to carry off, that he lacked sufficient motive.]

(7) I shall now proceed to my first point (logos), namely, that I cannot have done this thing. First of all, it would have been necessary for there to have been a start to the treason, and that start would have had to be speech (logos). For prior to doing anything we're going to do, words (logos) need first to be exchanged. But if a meeting [i.e., with the enemy] had happened, still, how could there have been words? In what way could a meeting happen unless that man [Priam, king of the Trojans] had sent a messenger to me, or I to him? For without someone to bear the message, no message in writing will have arrived. But in fact, speech (logos) itself proves the impossibility of this communication. Let's assume that he and I are with each other, but how does that play out? Who is with whom? I'll tell you: A Greek with a foreigner. But how does the one listen to the other? How does the other speak to the one? I'll tell you: No how! We won't be able to understand each other's language (logos). Is there, then, an interpreter? That means yet a third witness to this necessarily secret meeting. (8) Alright, let's grant that, too (though, of course, it didn't happen). Still, it would have been necessary for pledges to be exchanged by these co-conspirators. Pledges, then, but in what form? What kind of oath? Who would place his trust in me, "Mr. Traitor"? Suppose, then that hostages were exchanged. [Hostages often served as human collateral for international agreements.] Who as hostages? I could have volunteered my brother, as there'd have been no one else. As for the foreigner [Priam], one of his sons. That would indeed have produced a solid agreement. But if that had happened, it would have been obvious to everyone!

[Palamedes goes on to argue that, among other things, for him to sell out the Greeks would have been for him to sell out everything he cherished most: his freedom, his family, his country, etc. But he also accuses Odysseus of concocting charges based not on facts but appearances (doxa) and inconsistent argument (logos).]

[Approaching the end of his speech, Palamedes now offers advice to the jury.] (34) As for you, you must pay attention not to words but facts, nor find for the prosecution with too hasty a decision, nor think that a brief moment [i.e., the duration of this trial] makes for a wiser judge than lengthy reflection, nor reckon slander more credible than direct proof. For it falls on honorable men to take pains not to go wrong, and still more, not to create a hopeless situation out of what could have been set right. And it can be set right if people think before they act, but if they act before they think, it's hopeless. And that's how it is whenever men put a man on trial for his life, which is precisely what you are doing now.

(35) So if argument (logos) could make the truth crystal clear to those listening, then what has been said would make a verdict easy to render. But since such is not the case [since logos does not offer clear proof], you must take care to watch out for my safety. You must, that is, put off your decision as long as it takes for you to reach a verdict fair and true. For you risk basing your opinion [lit., "grasping doxa"] on the mere appearance of wrongdoing, the kind of verdict that defines a juror's reputation (doxa). And men of honor prefer death to a shameful reputation (doxa). The one ends life, the other renders it diseased.

[etc.]

Gorgias - Encomium of Helen



Gorgias ushered in rhetorical innovations involving structure and ornamentation and the introduction of paradoxologia – the idea of paradoxical thought and paradoxical expression. For these advancements, Gorgias has been labeled the "father of sophistry" (Wardy 6). Gorgias is also known for contributing to the diffusion of the Attic dialect as the language of literary prose. Gorgias was the first orator to develop and teach a "distinctive style of speaking" (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33).

Gorgias’ extant rhetorical works—Encomium of Helen (Ἑλένης ἐγκώμιον), Defense of Palamedes (Ὑπέρ Παλαμήδους ἀπολογία), On Non-Existence (Περὶ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος ἢ Περὶ φύσεως), and Epitaphios—come to us via a work entitled Technai (Τέχναι), a manual of rhetorical instruction, which may have consisted of models to be memorized and demonstrate various principles of rhetorical practice (Leitch, et al. 29). Although some scholars claim that each work presents opposing statements, the four texts can be read as interrelated contributions to the up-and-coming theory and art (technē) of rhetoric (McComiskey 32). Of Gorgias’ surviving works, only the Encomium and the Defense are believed to exist in their entirety.
Encomium of Helen
Gorgias

(1) The order proper to a city is being well-manned; to a body, beauty; to a soul, wisdom; to a deed, excellence; and to a discourse, truth--and the opposites of these are disorder. And the praiseworthy man and woman and discourse and work and city-state and deed one must honor with praise, while one must assign blame to the unworthy--for it is equal error and ignorance to blame the praiseworthy and to praise the blameworthy.

(2) It being required of the same man both to speak straight and to refute [crooked speech, one should refute] those blaming Helen, a woman concerning whom the testimony of those who are called poets has become univocal and unanimous--likewise the repute of her name, which has become a byword for calamities. And by bestowing some rationality on the discourse, I myself wish to absolve this ill-reputed woman from responsibility, and to show that those who blame her are lying--and, having shown the truth, to put an end to ignorance.

(3) It is not unclear, not even to a few, that the woman who is the subject of this discourse was the foremost of the foremost men and women, by nature and by birth. For it is clear that her mother was Leda and her father was in fact the god, but said to be mortal, Tyndareus and Zeus--of whom the one, by being, seemed, while the other, by speech, was disproved--and the one was the mightiest of men while the other was tyrant over all.

(4) Born of such parentage, she had godlike beauty, which having received she not inconspicuously retained. She produced the greatest erotic desires in most men. For one body many bodies of men came together, men greatly purposing great things, of whom some possessed great wealth, some the glory of ancient and noble lineage, some the vigor of personal strength, and others the power of acquired cleverness. And they were all there together out of contentious love and unconquerable ambition.

(5) Who it was, then, who fulfilled the love by gaining Helen, and the means and manner of it, I shall not say; for to tell knowing people things they know supplies corroboration but does not convey enjoyment. Having now finished the first section, I shall advance to the beginning of the next section, and I shall set out the causes through which Helen's journey to Troy was likely to come about.

(6) Either by the wishes of Fortune and plans of the gods and decrees of Necessity she did what she did, or abducted by force, or persuaded by speeches, <or conquered by Love>. Now in the first case, the responsible party deserves the responsibility. For the will of a god cannot be hindered by human forethought. For it is not natural for the superior to be hindered by the inferior, but for the inferior to be ruled and led by the superior--for the superior to lead and the inferior to follow. And a god is superior to a human being in force, intelligence, etcetera. Accordingly, if one must attribute responsibility to Fortune and the god, one must acquit Helen of infamy.

(7) But if she was abducted by force, unlawfully constrained and unjustly victimized, it is clear on the one hand that the abductor, as victimizer, committed injustice--and on the other hand that the abductee, as victim, met with mishap. Accordingly the barbarian assailant deserves to meet with barbarous assault, by speech and custom and deed--deserves to be blamed in speech, dishonored by custom, and penalized indeed. She who was forced and bereft of fatherland and orphaned of friends--how is she not to be pitied rather than reviled? For he did terrible things; she was the victim; it is accordingly fair to pity her and hate him.

(8) And if persuasive discourse deceived her soul, it is not on that account difficult to defend her and absolve her of responsibility, thus: discourse is a great potentate, which by the smallest and most secret body accomplishes the most divine works; for it can stop fear and assuage pain and produce joy and make mercy abound. And I shall show that these things are so: (9) explanation to the audience, by means of opinion, is required. Discourse having meter I suppose and name (in the general sense) to be poetry. Fearful shuddering and tearful pity and sorrowful longing come upon those who hear it, and the soul experiences a peculiar feeling, on account of the words, at the good and bad fortunes of other people's affairs and bodies. But come, let me proceed from one section to another.

(10) By means of words, inspired incantations serve as bringers-on of pleasure and takers-off of pain. For the incantation's power, communicating with the soul's opinion, enchants and persuades and changes it, by trickery. Two distinct methods of trickery and magic are to be found: errors of soul, and deceptions of opinion.

(11) Those who have persuaded and do persuade anyone about anything are shapers of lying discourse. For if all people possessed memory concerning all things past, and awareness of all things present, and foreknowledge of all things to come, discourse would not be similarly similar; hence it is not now easy to remember the past or consider the present or foretell the future; so that most people on most subjects furnish themselves with opinion as advisor to the soul. But opinion, being slippery and unsteady, surrounds those who rely on it with slippery and unsteady successes.

(12) Accordingly what cause hinders Helen ... praise-hymn came ... similarly would ... not being young ... just as if ... means of forcing ... force was abducted. For the mind of Persuasion was able ... and even if necessity ... the form will have ... it has the same power. For discourse was the persuader of the soul, which it persuaded and compelled to believe the things that were said and to agree to the things that were done. He who persuaded (as constrainer) did wrong; while she who was persuaded (as one constrained by means of the discourse) is wrongly blamed.

(13) Persuasion belonging to discourse shapes the soul at will: witness, first, the discourses of the astronomers, who by setting aside one opinion and building up another in its stead make incredible and obscure things apparent to the eyes of opinion; second, the necessary debates in which one discourse, artfully written but not truthfully meant, delights and persuades a numerous crowd; and third, the competing arguments of the philosophers, in which speed of thought is shown off, as it renders changeable the credibility of an opinion.

(14) The power of discourse stands in the same relation to the soul's organization as the pharmacopoeia does to the physiology of bodies. For just as different drugs draw off different humors from the body, and some put an end to disease and others to life, so too of discourses: some give pain, others delight, others terrify, others rouse the hearers to courage, and yet others by a certain vile persuasion drug and trick the soul.

(15) It has been said that if she was persuaded by discourse, she did no wrong but rather was unfortunate; I proceed to the fourth cause in a fourth section. If it was love that brought all these things to pass, she escapes without difficulty from the blame for the sin alleged to have taken place. For the things we see do not have whatever nature we will, but rather that which befalls each. The soul receives an impression in its own ways through the sight.

(16) For example, whenever hostile bodies put on their bronze and iron war-gear of ward and defense against enemies, if the visual sense beholds this, it is troubled and it troubles the soul, so that often panic-stricken men flee future danger <as if it were> present. For the strong habitual force of law is banished because of the fear prompted by the sight, which makes one heedless both of what is judged by custom to be admirable, and of the good that comes about by victory.

(17) Some who have seen dreadful things have lost their presence of mind in the present time; thus fear extinguishes and drives out understanding. And many fall into useless troubles and terrible diseases and incurable dementias; thus sight engraves in the mind images of things seen. And the frightening ones, many of them, remain; and those that remain are just like things said.

(18) But truly whenever the painters perfectly complete one body and figure from many colors and bodies, they delight the sight; and the making of statues and production of figurines furnishes a pleasant sight to the eyes. Thus it is in the nature of the visual sense to long for some things and for other things to give it pain. And in many there is produced much love and desire for many things and bodies.

(19) Accordingly, if Helen's eye, taking pleasure in Alexander's body, transmitted to her soul the eagerness and struggle of Love, is it any wonder? If Love, <being> a god, <has> the divine power of gods, how could the weaker being have the power to reject this and to ward it off? But if it is a human disease and an error of the soul, it ought not to be blamed as a sin but ought rather to be accounted a misfortune. For she went, as she started out, in the clutches of fortune, not by plans of the mind; and by the constraints of love, not the preparations of art.

(20) How then is it necessary to regard as just the blame of Helen, who either passionately in love or persuaded by discourse or abducted by force or constrained by divine constraints did the things she did, escaping responsibility every way?

(21) By this discourse I have removed infamy from a woman; I have continued in the mode I established at the beginning. I tried to put an end to the injustice of blame and ignorance of opinion; I wanted to write the discourse, Helen's encomium and my plaything. 





Brian Donovan's copyright notice

Translation ©1999 by Brian R. Donovan. This translation is offered by the translator (a Professor of English at Bemidji State University) for the free and unrestricted use of students, teachers, and scholars everywhere, consistent with academic integrity. The translation may be non-commercially reproduced in full in any format, provided that such reproduction includes this copyright notice. Quotations from this translation should be accompanied by due acknowledgment of their source. Commercial publishers wishing to make use of this translation should contact the translator.

Translator's Note

The source text is that of H. Diels and W. Kranz, eds., Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 6th ed., vol. 2 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1952, rpt. Dublin 1966), as reproduced on the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae CD ROM #D (compilation ©1992 by the Regents of the University of California). Other available translations are those by George Kennedy, in Rosamond Kent Sprague (ed.) The Older Sophists (Columbia: U. of South Carolina P., 1972, rpt. 1990), and by Kathleen Freeman in her Ancilla to the Pre-Socratic Philosophers (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1948).

I have made no attempt here to reproduce or imitate the obtrusively artful and paronomastic style of the original, as Kennedy did; rather, my focus has been on reproducing literal meaning. Where the literal meaning of this translation differs from Kennedy's translation and/or Freeman's, I would suggest that all three versions represent valid optional interpretations.

Notable among my departures from the lead of Kennedy and Freeman are my division of the discourse into five Roman-numbered sections, and my fragmented rendition (in italics) of the first half of Arabic-numbered section 12. All but the last of the Roman-numbered sections are explicitly identified as distinct sections, in my view, by the original's use of the term logos, which in these instances I have translated "section"; and the last seems obviously enough a distinct peroration or coda. As to the first half of Arabic-numbered section 12, which Diels/Kranz aptly describes as "heillos verderbt," I have opted for the admittedly peculiar procedure of "translating" the unemended original mess, partly because Freeman and Kennedy had already gone the other way, translating from the emended Greek version suggested in the Diels/Kranz apparatus. This was thus the road less traveled.

Gorgias

Ancient Greek Bibliography | Ancient Greek philosophers and writers 
Gorgias Texts 
Gorgias (/ˈɡɔːrdʒiəs/; Greek: Γοργίας [ɡorɡíaːs]; c. 485 – c. 380 BC) was a Greek sophist, Italiote, pre-Socratic philosopher and rhetorician who was a native of Leontini in Sicily. Along with Protagoras, he forms the first generation of Sophists. Several doxographers report that he was a pupil of Empedocles, although he would only have been a few years younger. "Like other Sophists he was an itinerant, practicing in various cities and giving public exhibitions of his skill at the great pan-Hellenic centers of Olympia and Delphi, and charged fees for his instruction and performances. A special feature of his displays was to invite miscellaneous questions from the audience and give impromptu replies." He has been called "Gorgias the Nihilist" although the degree to which this epithet adequately describes his philosophy is controversial.



His chief claim to recognition is that he transplanted rhetoric from his native Sicily to Attica, and contributed to the diffusion of the Attic dialect as the language of literary prose.

Gorgias originated from Leontini, a Greek colony in Sicily, and what is often called the home of Spartan rhetoric. It is known that Gorgias had a father named Charmantides and two siblings – a brother named Herodicus and a sister who dedicated a statue to Gorgias in Delphi (McComiskey 6-7).

He was already about sixty when in 427 BC he was sent to Athens by his fellow-citizens at the head of an embassy to ask for Athenian protection against the aggression of the Syracusans. He subsequently settled in Athens, probably due to the enormous popularity of his style of oratory and the profits made from his performances and rhetoric classes. According to Aristotle, his students included Isocrates. (Other students are named in later traditions; the Suda adds Pericles, Polus, and Alcidamas, Diogenes Laërtius mentions Antisthenes, and according to Philostratus, "I understand that he attracted the attention of the most admired men, Critias and Alcibiades who were young, and Thucydides and Pericles who were already old. Agathon too, the tragic poet, whom Comedy regards as wise and eloquent, often Gorgianizes in his iambic verse").

Gorgias is reputed to have lived to be one hundred and eight years old (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33). He won admiration for his ability to speak on any subject (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33). He accumulated considerable wealth; enough to commission a gold statue of himself for a public temple. After his Pythian Oration, the Greeks installed a solid gold statue of him in the temple of Apollo at Delphi (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33). He died at Larissa in Thessaly.



Gorgias has been labelled "The Nihilist" because some scholars have interpreted his thesis on "the non-existent" to be an argument against the existence of anything that is straightforwardly endorsed by Gorgias himself. Nihilism is the belief that all values are baseless and that nothing can be known or communicated. It is associated with pessimism and a radical skepticism that condemns existence. Gorgias presents an argument that nothing at all exists in his On Non-Existence, where he develops three sequential arguments: first, that nothing exists, second, that even if existence exists, it is inapprehensible to humans, and third, that even if existence is apprehensible, it certainly cannot be communicated or interpreted to one’s neighbors. That being said, there is consensus in late 20th century and early 21st century scholarship that the label 'nihilist' is misleading, in part because if his argument were genuinely meant to support nihilism it would be self-undermining (the argument, of course, is something and has pretensions to communicate knowledge, in conflict with its explicit pronouncement that there is nothing and that it can't be known or communicated). Gisela Striker says: "I find it hard to believe that anyone should ever have thought that Gorgias seriously advocated the view that nothing is and that he was, therefore, a 'nihilist.' Similarly Caston: "Gorgias would have to be not merely disconsolate, but quite dull-witted, to have missed the conflict between his presentation and its content" and Wardy "This sadly mistaken reading overlooks the most obvious consequence of Gorgias' paradoxologia (παραδοξολογία): his message refutes itself, and in consequence, so far from constituting a theory of logos, it confronts us with a picture of what language cannot be, with what it cannot be assumed to aspire to be." Gigon and Newiger make similar points. Assuming that it was at one time a written text, there is no evidence of what Gorgias originally wrote. What we know is from commentary by Sextus Empiricus and Pseudo-Aristotle’s De Melisso, Xenophane, Gorgia.

Rhetorical innovation
Gorgias ushered in rhetorical innovations involving structure and ornamentation and the introduction of paradoxologia – the idea of paradoxical thought and paradoxical expression. For these advancements, Gorgias has been labeled the "father of sophistry" (Wardy 6). Gorgias is also known for contributing to the diffusion of the Attic dialect as the language of literary prose. Gorgias was the first orator to develop and teach a "distinctive style of speaking" (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33).

Gorgias’ extant rhetorical works—Encomium of Helen (Ἑλένης ἐγκώμιον), Defense of Palamedes (Ὑπέρ Παλαμήδους ἀπολογία), On Non-Existence (Περὶ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος ἢ Περὶ φύσεως), and Epitaphios—come to us via a work entitled Technai (Τέχναι), a manual of rhetorical instruction, which may have consisted of models to be memorized and demonstrate various principles of rhetorical practice (Leitch, et al. 29). Although some scholars claim that each work presents opposing statements, the four texts can be read as interrelated contributions to the up-and-coming theory and art (technē) of rhetoric (McComiskey 32). Of Gorgias’ surviving works, only the Encomium and the Defense are believed to exist in their entirety. Meanwhile, there are his own speeches, rhetorical, political, or other. A number of these are referred to and quoted by Aristotle, including a speech on Hellenic unity, a funeral oration for Athenians fallen in war, and a brief quotation from an Encomium on the Eleans. Apart from the speeches, there are paraphrases of the treatise "On Nature or the Non-Existent." These works are each part of the Diels-Kranz collection, and although academics consider this source reliable, many of the works included are fragmentary and corrupt. Questions have also been raised as to the authenticity and accuracy of the texts attributed to Gorgias (Consigny 4).



Gorgias’ writings are both rhetorical and performative. He goes to great lengths to exhibit his ability of making an absurd, argumentative position appear stronger. Consequently, each of his works defend positions that are unpopular, paradoxical and even absurd. The performative nature of Gorgias’ writings is exemplified by the way that he playfully approaches each argument with stylistic devices such as parody, artificial figuration and theatricality (Consigny 149). Gorgias’ style of argumentation can be described as poetics-minus-the-meter (poiêsis-minus-meter). Gorgias argues that persuasive words have power (dunamis) that is equivalent to that of the gods and as strong as physical force. In the Encomium, Gorgias likens the effect of speech on the soul to the effect of drugs on the body: "Just as different drugs draw forth different humors from the body – some putting a stop to disease, others to life – so too with words: some cause pain, others joy, some strike fear, some stir the audience to boldness, some benumb and bewitch the soul with evil persuasion" (Gorgias 32). The Encomium "argues for the totalizing power of language."

Gorgias also believed that his "magical incantations" would bring healing to the human psyche by controlling powerful emotions. He paid particular attention to the sounds of words, which, like poetry, could captivate audiences. His florid, rhyming style seemed to hypnotize his audiences (Herrick 42). Gorgias' legendary powers of persuasion would suggest that he had a somewhat preternatural influence over his audience and their emotions.

Unlike other Sophists, such as Protagoras, Gorgias did not profess to teach arete (excellence, or, virtue). He believed that there was no absolute form of arete, but that it was relative to each situation (for example, virtue in a slave was not virtue in a statesman). His thought was that rhetoric, the art of persuasion, was the king of all sciences, since it was capable of persuading any course of action. While rhetoric existed in the curriculum of every Sophist, Gorgias placed more prominence upon it than any of the others.

Much debate over both the nature and value of rhetoric begins with Gorgias. Plato's dialogue entitled Gorgias (which narrates a debate, about rhetoric, politics and justice, that occurred at a dinner gathering between Socrates and a small group of Sophists) presents a counter-argument to Gorgias’ embrace of rhetoric, its elegant form, and performative nature (Wardy 2). The dialog attempts to show that rhetoric does not meet the requirements to actually be considered a technê but is a somewhat dangerous "knack" to possess both for the orator and for his audience, because it gives the ignorant the power to seem more knowledgeable than an expert to a group.

On the Non-Existent
Gorgias is the author of a lost work: On Nature or the Non-Existent (also On Non-Existence). Rather than being one of his rhetorical works, it presented a theory of being that at the same time refuted and parodied the Eleatic thesis. The original text was lost and today there remain just two paraphrases of it. The first is preserved by the philosopher Sextus Empiricus in Against the Professors and the other by the anonymous author of On Melissus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias. Each work, however, excludes material that is discussed in the other, which suggests that each version may represent intermediary sources (Consigny 4). It is clear, however, that the work developed a skeptical argument, which has been extracted from the sources and translated as below:

Nothing exists;
Even if something exists, nothing can be known about it; and
Even if something can be known about it, knowledge about it can't be communicated to others.
Even if it can be communicated, it cannot be understood.
The argument has largely been seen as an ironic refutation of Parmenides' thesis on Being. Gorgias set out to prove that it is as easy to demonstrate that being is one, unchanging and timeless as it is to prove that being has no existence at all. Regardless of how it "has largely been seen" it seems clear that Gorgias was focused instead on the notion that true objectivity is impossible since the human mind can never be separated from its possessor.

"How can anyone communicate the idea of color by means of words since the ear does not hear colors but only sounds?" This quote, written by the Sicilian philosopher Gorgias, was used to show his theory that ‘there is nothing’, ‘if there were anything no one would know it’, ‘and if anyone did know it, no one could communicate it’. This theory, thought of in the late 5th century BC, is still being contemplated by many philosophers throughout the world. This argument has led some to label Gorgias a nihilist (one who believes nothing exists, or that the world is incomprehensible, and that the concept of truth is fictitious).

For the first main argument where Gorgias says, "there is no-thing", he tries to persuade the reader that thought and existence are not the same. By claiming that if thought and existence truly were the same, then everything that anyone thought would suddenly exist. He also attempted to prove that words and sensations couldn’t be measured by the same standards, for even though words and sensations are both derived from the mind, they are essentially different. This is where his second idea comes into place.



Rhetorical works

Encomium of Helen
The Encomium of Helen is considered to be a good example of epideictic oratory and was supposed to have been Gorgias' "show piece or demonstration piece," which was used to attract students (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33). In their writings, Gorgias and other sophists speculated "about the structure and function of language" as a framework for expressing the implications of action and the ways decisions about such actions were made" (Jarratt 103). And this is exactly the purpose of Gorgias’ Encomium of Helen. Of the three divisions of rhetoric discussed by Aristotle in his Rhetoric (forensic, deliberative, and epideictic), the Encomium can be classified as an epideictic speech, expressing praise for Helen of Troy and ridding her of the blame she faced for leaving Sparta with Paris (Wardy 26).

Helen – the proverbial "Helen of Troy" – exemplified both sexual passion and tremendous beauty for the Greeks. She was the daughter of Zeus and Leda, the Queen of Sparta, and her beauty was the direct cause of the decade long Trojan War between Greece and Troy. The war began after the goddesses Hera, Athena, and Aphrodite asked Paris (a Trojan prince) to select who was the most beautiful of the three. Each goddess tried to influence Paris’ decision, but he ultimately chose Aphrodite who then promised Paris the most beautiful woman. Paris then traveled to Greece where he was greeted by Helen and her husband Menelaus. Under the influence of Aphrodite, Helen allowed Paris to persuade her to elope with him. Together they traveled to Troy, not only sparking the war, but also a popular and literary tradition of blaming Helen for her wrongdoing. It is this tradition which Gorgias confronts in the Encomium.

The Encomium opens with Gorgias explaining that "a man, woman, speech, deed, city or action that is worthy of praise should be honored with acclaim, but the unworthy should be branded with blame" (Gorgias 30). In the speech Gorgias discusses the possible reasons for Helen’s journey to Troy. He explains that Helen could have been persuaded in one of four ways: by the gods, by physical force, by love, or by speech (logos). If it were indeed the plan of the gods that caused Helen to depart for Troy, Gorgias argues that those who blame her should face blame themselves, "for a human’s anticipation cannot restrain a god’s inclination" (Gorgias 31). Gorgias explains that, by nature, the weak are ruled by the strong, and, since the gods are stronger than humans in all respects, Helen should be freed from her undesirable reputation. If, however, Helen was abducted by force, it is clear that the aggressor committed a crime. Thus, it should be he, not Helen, who should be blamed. And if Helen was persuaded by love, she should also be rid of ill repute because "if love is a god, with the divine power of the gods, how could a weaker person refuse and reject him? But if love is a human sickness and a mental weakness, it must not be blamed as mistake, but claimed as misfortune" (Gorgias 32). Finally, if speech persuaded Helen, Gorgias claims he can easily clear her of blame. Gorgias explains: "Speech is a powerful master and achieves the most divine feats with the smallest and least evident body. It can stop fear, relieve pain, create joy, and increase pity" (Gorgias 31). It is here that Gorgias compares the effect of speech on the mind with the effect of drugs on the body. He states that Helen has the power to "lead" many bodies in competition by using her body as a weapon (Gumpert, 74). This image of "bodies led and misled, brought together and led apart, is of paramount importance in Gorgias' speech," (Gumpert, 74).

The Encomium demonstrates Gorgias’ love of paradoxologia. The performative nature of the Encomium requires a reciprocal relationship between the performer and the audience, one which relies on the cooperation between the deceptive performer and the equally deceived audience (Wardy 36). Gorgias reveals this paradox in the final section of the Encomium where he writes: "I wished to write this speech for Helen’s encomium and my amusement" (Gorgias 33). Additionally, if one were to accept Gorgias’ argument for Helen’s exoneration, it would fly in the face of a whole literary tradition of blame directed towards Helen. This too is paradoxical. While Gorgias primarily used metaphors and paradox, he famously used "figures of speech, or schemata," (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa). This included balanced clauses (isocolon), the joining of contrasting ideas (antithesis), the structure of successive clauses (parison), and the repetition of word endings (homoeoteleuton) (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33). The Encomium shows Gorgias' interest in argumentation, as he makes his point by "systematically refuting a series of possible alternatives," (Matsen, Rollinson and Sousa, 33). It is an encomium of the "rhetorical craft itself, and a demonstration of its power over us," (Gumpert, 73). According to Van Hook, The Encomium of Helen abounds in "amplification and brevity, a rhythm making prose akin to poetry, bold metaphors and poetic or unusual epithets" (122).

Defense of Palamedes
In the Defense of Palamedes Gorgias describes logos as a positive instrument for creating ethical arguments (McComiskey 38). The Defense, an oration that deals with issues of morality and political commitment (Consigny 38), defends Palamedes who, in Greek mythology, is credited with the invention of the alphabet, written laws, numbers, armor, and measures and weights (McComiskey 47).

In the speech Palamedes defends himself against the charge of treason. In Greek mythology, Odysseus – in order to avoid going to Troy with Agamemnon and Menelaus to bring Helen back to Sparta – pretended to have gone mad and began sowing the fields with salt. When Palamedes threw Odysseus' son, Telemachus, in front of the plow, Odysseus avoided him, demonstrating that he was sane. Odysseus, who never forgave Palamedes for making him reveal himself, later accused Palamedes of betraying the Greeks to the Trojans. Soon after, Palamedes was condemned and killed (Jarratt 58).

In this epideictic speech, like the Encomium, Gorgias is concerned with experimenting with how plausible arguments can cause conventional truths to be doubted (Jarratt 59). Throughout the text, Gorgias presents a method for composing logical (logos), ethical (ethos) and emotional (pathos) arguments from possibility, which are similar to those described by Aristotle in Rhetoric. These types of arguments about motive and capability presented in the Defense are later described by Aristotle as forensic topoi. Gorgias demonstrates that in order to prove that treason had been committed, a set of possible occurrences also need to be established. In the Defense these occurrences are as follows: communication between Palamedes and the enemy, exchange of a pledge in the form of hostages or money, and not being detected by guards or citizens. In his defense, Palamedes claims that a small sum of money would not have warranted such a large undertaking and reasons that a large sum of money, if indeed such a transaction had been made, would require the aid of many confederates in order for it to be transported. Palamedes reasons further that such an exchange could neither have occurred at night because the guards would be watching, nor in the day because everyone would be able to see. Palamedes continues, explaining that if the aforementioned conditions were, in fact, arranged then action would need to follow. Such action needed to take place either with or without confederates; however, if these confederates were free men then they were free to disclose any information they desired, but if they were slaves there was a risk of their voluntarily accusing to earn freedom, or accusing by force when tortured. Slaves, Palamedes says, are untrustworthy. Palamedes goes on to list a variety of possible motives, all of which he proves false.

Through the Defense Gorgias demonstrates that a motive requires an advantage such as status, wealth, honour, and security, and insists that Palamedes lacked a motive (McComiskey 47-49).

Epitaphios (or the Athenian funeral oration)
This text is considered to be an important contribution to the genre of epitaphios. During the 5th and 4th centuries BC, such funeral orations were delivered by well-known orators during public burial ceremonies in Athens, whereby those who died in wars were honoured. Gorgias’ text provides a clever critique of 5th century propagandist rhetoric in imperial Athens and is the basis for Plato’s parody, Menexenus (Consigny 2).

Critics
Plato was one of Gorgias’ greatest critics and a student of Socrates. Plato’s dislike for sophistic doctrines is well known, and it is in his eponymous dialogue that both Gorgias himself as well as his rhetorical beliefs are ridiculed (McComiskey 17).

In the Gorgias, Plato distinguishes between philosophy and rhetoric, characterizing Gorgias as an orator who entertains his audience with his eloquent words and who believes that it is unnecessary to learn the truth about actual matters when one has discovered the art of persuasion (Consigny 36). In the dialogue, Gorgias responds to one of Socrates’ statements as follows: "Rhetoric is the only area of expertise you need to learn. You can ignore all the rest and still get the better of the professionals!" (Plato 24).

Gorgias, whose On Non-Existence is taken to be critical of the Eleatic tradition and its founder Parmenides, describes philosophy as a type of seduction, but he does not deny philosophy entirely, giving some respect to philosophers (Consigny 37).

Plato answers Gorgias by reaffirming the Parmenidean ideal that being is the basic substance and reality of which all things are composed, insisting that philosophy is a dialectic distinct from and superior to rhetoric (Wardy 52).

Aristotle also criticizes Gorgias, labeling him a mere Sophist whose primary goal is to make money by appearing wise and clever, thus deceiving the public by means of misleading or sophistic arguments (Consigny 36).

Γοργίας


Ο σοφιστής Γοργίας ο Λεοντίνος, σημαντικός εκπρόσωπος της ρητορικής τέχνης και σύγχρονος του Πρωταγόρα και του Σωκράτη, έζησε ανάμεσα στο 485 - 380 π.Χ. περίπου. Γεννήθηκε στους Λεοντίνους και επηρεάστηκε σημαντικά από τη σκέψη της Ελεατικής σχολής και ιδιαίτερα τη σκέψη του Εμπεδοκλή, με τον οποίο φέρεται ότι είχε σχέσεις. Ο Γοργίας έδειξε επίσης μια στενή συγγένεια με τον ελεατικό στοχασμό και ιδιαίτερα με τη σκέψη του Παρμενίδη και του Ζήνωνα, αν και από το αντιθετικό του ύφος δείχνει επίσης συγγένεια με το αντιθετικό ύφος των ηρακλείτειων κειμένων. Περιπλανώμενος, όπως οι περισσότεροι των σοφιστών, ο Γοργίας εμφανίζεται στην Αθήνα στην περίοδο κορύφωσης της δόξας του, όπου ασκεί σημαντική επίδραση στη διαμόρφωση της αττικής πεζογραφίας και ποίησης. Τα τελευταία χρόνια της ζωής του έζησε στη Θεσσαλία, όπου και πέθανε σε βαθύ γήρας σε πλήρη πνευματική διαύγεια.



Λόγοι
Οι επιδεικτικοί λόγοι του χρησίμευαν ως πρότυπα στη ρητορική φιλολογία της εποχής και εκείνοι που διδάσκονταν ή ασκούσαν τη ρητορική δεν έκαναν συνήθως τίποτε άλλο παρά να μιμούνται αυτούς τους λόγους ή να τους χρησιμοποιούν σαν υποδείγματα για τη σύνταξη των δικών τους ρητορικών λόγων.

Διασώθηκαν ακέραιοι δύο σύντομοι λόγοι του:

Ο Ελένης εγκώμιον, στο οποίο αποδεικνύει ότι είναι άδικος ο ψόγος (μώμος) κατά της Ελένης, «ήτις είτ’ ερασθείσα είτε λόγω πεισθείσα είτε βία αρπασθείσα είτε υπό θείας ανάγκης αναγκασθείσα έπραξεν ά έπραξεν». Ο Γοργίας υποδεικνύει ότι οι κρίσεις μας δεν στηρίζονται σε αντικειμενικές αλήθειες αλλά σε αναπόδεικτες και συχνά αλληλοαναιρούμενες αντιλήψεις και προκαταλήψεις.
Η Υπέρ Παλαμήδους Απολογία απολογία, στην οποία υποδεικνύει ακόμα εμφατικότερα ότι η κρίση για την κατηγορία της «εσχάτης προδοσίας» δεν στηρίζεται σε αποδείξεις ή υπαρκτά γεγονότα.
Απορρίπτοντας το κριτήριο της μιας απόλυτης αλήθειας ο Γοργίας, θεώρησε ότι δεν υπάρχει απόλυτη γνώση, αλλά μόνον «δόξα», δηλαδή γνώμη για την πραγματικότητα. Το κέντρο βάρους της μεθόδου του ήταν η ρητορική, που γι’ αυτόν ήταν «πειθούς δημιουργός», δηλαδή μέθοδος για να διατυπώνει ο άνθρωπος τη γνώμη του με τρόπο πειστικό και να πετυχαίνει αυτό που επιδιώκει κάθε φορά.



Όσον αφορά στο Περί του μη όντος ή Περί φύσεως θεωρούνται περιλήψεις του αρχικού κειμένου του Γοργία και μας δίνουν μια ιδέα του προβληματισμού του Γοργία γύρω από γενικά θεωρητικά ζητήματα, όπως είναι η πραγματικότητα και η γνώση της. Το περιεχόμενο του συγγράμματος αυτού μας παρουσιάζεται μέσα από μια περίληψη του Σέξτου του Εμπειρικού και μέσα από μια περίληψη της ψευδοαριστοτελικής πραγματείας Περί Μελίσσου, Ξενοφάνους Γοργίου. Οι δύο αυτές περιλήψεις δεν έχουν την ίδια αξία και δεν συμφωνούν πολύ μεταξύ τους.

Γνωσιοθεωρία
Ο Γοργίας προσπάθησε να αποδείξει ότι τίποτε δεν υπάρχει. Αν υπάρχει, δεν μπορούμε να το γνωρίσουμε. Αν μπορούμε να το γνωρίσουμε, δεν μπορούμε ωστόσο να το μεταδώσουμε στους άλλους. Η αποδεικτική τακτική του ονομάζεται ανασκευαστική και συνίσταται στον αποκλεισμό αντιφατικών προτάσεων. Το ον δεν είναι για τον Γοργία ούτε ένα ούτε πολλά. Αν ήταν ένα, θα έπρεπε να είναι άνευ χαρακτηριστικών, έκτασης και μεγέθους. Ωστόσο, εκείνο που δεν έχει χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα, απλά δεν υπάρχει. Τότε πρέπει να δεχτούμε πως το ον είναι πολλαπλότητα, αλλά το πολλαπλό προϋποθέτει το απλό, ως συστατικό του στοιχείο. Όταν, λοιπόν, το ον δεν είναι ένα, δεν μπορεί να είναι και πολλά. Επακόλουθα, το ον, που οι Ελεάτες το θεωρούσαν υπαρκτό, δεν υπάρχει ουσιαστικά, μια και επιδέχεται αντίθετων και αντιφατικών, αλληλοαποκειόμενων απόψεων.

Ηθική
Ο Γοργίας ανέπτυξε επίσης μια αξιόλογη προβληματική πάνω σε ηθικά ζητήματα. Το πρόβλημα, ιδιαίτερα, τί είναι αρετή, που φαίνεται πως ήταν του συρμού σε κύκλους στοχαστών της εποχής αυτής, το αντιμετώπισε μ' ένα πνεύμα εμπειρικό και θετικό. Διέκρινε το γεγονός πως η αρετή είναι μια συγκεκριμένη ποιότητα συμπεριφοράς συνδεδεμένη με τη ρευστή πραγματικότητα, όπου ανήκει, και με την κοινωνική ομάδα ή κατηγορία, που στα ενδιαφέροντα της ακριβώς ανταποκρίνονται οι ηθικές ιδέες που κάθε φορά επικαλείται κανείς. Φαίνεται πως ο Γοργίας δεν ενδιαφερόταν για ανούσιες γενικότητες, για παράδειγμα τί είναι η αρετή. Η αρετή ως αφηρημένη ουσία δεν είναι πρόβλημα, γιατί δεν υπάρχει στην πραγματικότητα. Υπάρχουν μόνο συγκεκριμένες αρετές και συνεπώς συγκεκριμένα ηθικά προβλήματα. Γενικά, φαίνεται πως θεωρούσε την αρετή μάλλον ως ψυχική ιδιότητα που αναπτύσσεται και εκδηλώνεται μέσα από συγκεκριμένους φορείς. Υπό αυτή την άποψη η ηθική γίνεται τέχνη της έμπνευσης, η δυνατότητα για ψυχαγωγία με την κυριολεκτική σημασία της λέξης που μπορεί να ωθήσει το ανθρώπινο ον σε συγκεκριμένους στόχους.



Πηγές/Φωτογραφίες/Βιβλιογραφία

Windelband W. - Heimsoeth H., Εγχειρίδιο Ιστορίας της Φιλοσοφίας, Τομ. Α΄, Μ.Ι.Ε.Τ. (Αθήνα 2001 δ΄)
Καλογεράκος Ι. - Θανασάς Π. "Οι προσωκρατικοί φιλόσοφοι", στο Ελληνική Φιλοσοφία και Επιστήμη από την Αρχαιότητα έως τον 20ο αιώνα, Ε.Α.Π., (Πάτρα, 2000)
Diels-Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, τόμ. II, Dublin – (Zurich 1966)
Π. Καλλιγάς, (εισ.) «Γοργίου Λόγοι», στο Δευκαλίων 36 (1981)
Α. Lesky, Ιστορία της αρχαίας ελληνικής λογοτεχνίας, (μτφρ. Α. Τσοπανάκη), (Θεσσαλονίκη 1964).

Palamedes


In Greek mythology, Palamedes (Ancient Greek: Παλαμήδης) was the son of Nauplius and Clymene.
He joined the Greeks in the expedition against Troy. Pausanias in his Description of Greece (2.20.3) says that in Corinth is a Temple of Fortune in which Palamedes dedicated the dice that he had invented.


Expedition against Troy
Agamemnon sent Palamedes to Ithaca to retrieve Odysseus, who had promised to defend the marriage of Helen and Menelaus. Paris had kidnapped Helen, but Odysseus did not want to honor his oath. He pretended to be insane and plowed his fields with salt. Palamedes guessed what was happening and put Odysseus' son, Telemachus, in front of the plow. Odysseus stopped working and revealed his sanity.

The ancient sources show differences in regards to the details of how Palamedes was caused to die and also the actual way in which his death was brought about. 

Odysseus never forgave Palamedes for sending him to the Trojan War. When Palamedes advised the Greeks to return home, Odysseus hid gold in his tent and wrote a fake letter purportedly from Priam. The letter was found and the Greeks accused him of being a traitor. Palamedes was stoned to death by Odysseus and Diomedes. According to other accounts the two warriors drowned him during a fishing expedition. Still another version relates that he was lured into a well in search of treasure, and then was crushed by stones. Although he is a major character in some accounts of the Trojan War, Palamedes is not mentioned in Homer's Iliad.

Other additional information
Ovid discusses Palamedes' role in the Trojan War in the Metamorphoses. Palamedes' fate is described in Virgil's Aeneid. In the Apology, Plato describes Socrates as looking forward to speaking with Palamedes after death, and intimates in the Phaedrus that Palamedes authored a work on rhetoric. Euripides and many other dramatists have written dramas about his fate.

Hyginus revives an old account that Palamedes created eleven letters of the Greek alphabet:

The three Fates created the first five vowels of the alphabet and the letters B and T. It is said that Palamedes, son of Nauplius invented the remaining eleven consonants. Then Hermes reduced these sounds to characters, showing wedge shapes because cranes fly in wedge formation and then carried the system from Greece to Egypt*. This was the Pelasgian alphabet, which Cadmus had later brought to Boeotia, then Evander of Arcadia, a Pelasgian, introduced into Italy, where his mother, Carmenta, formed the familiar fifteen characters of the Latin alphabet. Other consonants have since been added to the Greek alphabet. Alpha was the first of eighteen letters, because alphe means honor, and alphainein is to invent.

In one modern account, The Luck of Troy by Roger Lancelyn Green, Palamedes really was double-dealing with the Trojans.



Sources
D. R. Reinsch, "Die Palamedes-Episode in der Synopsis Chronike des Konstantinos Manasses und ihre Inspirationsquelle," in Byzantinische Sprachkunst. Studien zur byzantinischen Literatur gewidmet Wolfram Hoerandner zum 65. Geburtstag. Hg. v. Martin Hinterberger und Elisabeth Schiffer. Berlin-New York, Walter de Gruyter, 2007 (Byzantinisches Archiv, 20), 266-276.
L Schmitz. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, Volume 3. J. Murray, 1873. Retrieved 2015-04-13.
Apollodorus, Epitome, Apollod. Epit. E.3.7
Phaedrus, 261b
Hyginus. Fabulae, 277, 105
Pausanias 10.31.2, citing the epic Cypria.
Ovid. Metamorphoses. pp. 13.34–60, 308–312.
Virgil. Aeneid. pp. 2.81–85.
Plato. Apology, 41b.

Παλαμήδης. Μυθικός ήρωας του Ναυπλίου


Ο Παλαμήδης, σύμφωνα με την ελληνική μυθολογία, ήταν γιος του Ναύπλιου και της Κλυμένης (ή της Ησιόνης ή της Φιλύρας), αδελφός του Οίακα και του Ναυσιδέμοντα από όπου και οι σχετικοί όροι για την ναυσιπλοΐα. Φημιζόταν για την σοφία και την επινοητικότητά του και λέγεται πως είχε επινοήσει μερικά από τα γράμματα, με την μετατροπή των φοινικικών στοιχείων σε γράμματα του ελληνικού αλφαβήτου. Θεωρείται επίσης εφευρέτης της ναυτιλίας, των φάρων των μέτρων και των σταθμών, των νομισμάτων, καθώς και της διαίρεσης του χρόνου σε ώρες, ημέρες και μήνες, αλλά και παιχνιδιών (επιτραπέζιων και στρατηγημάτων). Τα παιχνίδια αυτά ονομάζονται και του Παλαμήδους ή αθύρματα ή πεσσοί ή πεττοί, κύβοι κ.α. Το κάστρο του Παλαμηδίου στο Ναύπλιο πήρε το όνομά του.



Για την ετυμολογία του ονόματος «Παλαμήδης» υπάρχουν δύο κύριες εκδοχές. Κατά τη μία, προέρχεται από το ρήμα «παλαμάομαι» που σημαίνει εξυφαίνω και εφευρίσκω, δηλαδή ο «εφευρέτης, που μηχανεύεται σχέδια». Κατά τη δεύτερη, μπορεί να προέρχεται από το ρήμα «παλαίω» (=παλεύω) και το «μήδομαι» (=σκέφτομαι, συμβουλεύω), δηλαδή «αυτός που σκέφτεται τη μάχη και δίνει συμβουλές γι´αυτήν».

Οι πηγές όμως φανερώνουν και άλλη αιτία για την έχθρα του Οδυσσέα προς τον Παλαμήδη. Όταν ο στρατός των Αχαιών πεινούσε, έστειλαν τον Οδυσσέα στην Θράκη να βρει σιτάρι. Γύρισε όμως άπρακτος. Σαν τον ειρωνεύθηκε ο Παλαμήδης, ο Οδυσσέας του απήντησε ότι ούτε εκείνος θα τα κατάφερνε, όσο έξυπνος και αν ήταν. Τότε ο Παλαμήδης πήγε ο ίδιος στην Θράκη και γύρισε με μεγάλα φορτώματα σιτάρι.

Ο Παλαμήδης σκιαγραφεί τα πιθανά κίνητρα του Οδυσσέα υποστηρίζοντας ότι δεν είναι ο θάνατος καθαυτός που δεν δέχεται, αλλά τον θάνατο εν ατιμία.
Αναπτύσσει τα επιχειρήματα γύρω από την μη δυνατότητα να κάνει προδοσία (ἀδύνατος εἱμί τοῦτο πράττειν) .
Απευθύνεται στους δικαστές και αναφέρεται στο πρόσωπό του. Το κάνει όχι για να παινευθεί αλλά γιατί το επιβάλλουν οι περιστάσεις .
Θέτει τους δικαστές μπροστά στις συνέπειες μια άδικης απόφασης, αφού δεν απεδείχθη ούτε ότι αδίκησε ούτε ότι η κατηγορία ήταν αξιόπιστη (φανεράν οὑδεμίαν ἀδικίαν οὑδ΄ πιστήν αἱτίαν ἀποδείξαντες).



Ο Όμηρος δεν αναφέρει καθόλου τον Παλαμήδη στα δύο έπη του. Τον συναντούμε για πρώτη φορά στα Κύπρια, απ΄όπου παρέλαβαν την ιστορία του και τη διαμόρφωσαν ποικιλοτρόπως οι τραγικοί Αισχύλος και Ευριπίδης, όπως φαίνεται από μερικά αποσπάσματα που έχουν σωθεί του Ναυπλίου και του Υγίνου αντίστοιχα.

Ο Ξενοφών μαρτυρεί ότι ο Παλαμήδης τιμήθηκε, μαζί με άλλους ήρωες, από τους θεούς και στην Απολογία Σωκράτους ρητά λέγει ότι του είναι παρήγορη η συνάντηση με τον Παλαμήδη τον οποίον εξυμνούν περισσότερο από τον Οδυσσέα που τον θανάτωσαν άδικα.
Οι σοφιστές τον θεωρούσαν υπόδειγμα τους και είχαν εκμεταλλευτεί όλα όσα διηγούνταν γι΄αυτόν.
Παντού εμφανίζεται ως ένας από τους σοφότερους Έλληνες, γι΄αυτό και υπάρχουν χαρακτηριστικές παροιμιώδεις εκφράσεις, όπως Παλαμήδους εξεύρημα, Παλαμήδους σοφώτερος και Παλαμήδους βούλευμα.

Ο Υπέρ Παλαμήδους Απολογία είναι αριστοτεχνικός λόγος (δικαίως χρῆσθαι τόν λόγον) του Γοργία που γράφτηκε μετά το Εγκώμιον της Ελένης (415 π.Χ.) δηλαδή δεκαπέντε περίπου χρόνια μετά την Απολογία Σωκράτους του Πλάτωνα και αναφέρεται στην κατηγορία από φθόνο τού Οδυσσέα για έναν άνθρωπο σοφό και ευεργέτη. Το σχετικό έργο απέκτησε ιδιαίτερη σημασία γιατί μια πλειάδα μελετητών μέχρι τις μέρες μας ασχολήθηκε επισταμένα με τη σύγκρισή του με την Απολογία τους Σωκράτους του Πλάτωνα από την οποία αντλεί αρκετά στοιχεία.


Πηγή / Φωτό / Βιβλιογραφία

Hildesheim, Tragicorum graecorum fragmenta (Αποσπάσματα), ed. A. Nauck, 1964
Λουκιανός, Δίκη συμφώνων, § 5
Απολλόδωρος , Επιτομή VI, 7-11
Ισοκράτης, Ελένη, 3 «Ἀδίκως χρῆσθαι τῇ ῥητορικῇ, ὺπόθεσις ἄτοπος καί παράδοξος... ψευδῆ μηχανῆσθαι τόν λόγον»
Γοργίας, Υπέρ Παλαμήδους Απολογία
(Κύπρια έπη του τρωικού κύκλου) που αναφέρονται σε περιστατικά και ήρωες πριν από την τρωική εκστρατεία και στα εννέα πρώτα χρόνια του τρωικού πολέμου.
Βιργίλιος, Αινειάδα, 2.81-85
Οβίδιος, Μεταμορφώσεις, 13.34-60, 308-312
Lorenzo Rocci (1956). Vocabolario Greco-Italiano. Società Ed. Dante Alighieri srl, σελ. 1392. (Ιταλικά)
Ιωάννης Κακριδής, Ελληνική μυθολογία, 1-5, Εκδοτική Αθηνών, τομ. 1, σ. 93 κ. επ. εξηγεί: «την σιωπή του Ομήρου από το γεγονός ότι τα ομηρικά έπη αρχίζουν με τον τελευταίο χρόνο του πολέμου. Ο Όμηρος δεν ήθελε, προφανώς να μειώσει την φήμη του Οδυσσέα.»
Ξενοφών, Κυνηγετικός, Ι,2
Από την χαμένη τραγωδία του Σοφοκλή, Οδυσσεύς μαινόμενος τα αποσπάσματα 462-468, The Loeb Classical Library, 1996
Οι μεταγενέστεροι του Σοφοκλή τον μύθο αυτό το πίστωσαν στον Οδυσσέα και εις βάρος του Αχιλλέα που φέρεται να είχε καταφύγει στην Σκύρο

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